DFM Sri Lanka literature review - Dried fish production

Dried fish production in Sri Lanka has increased from 12,000 Mt in 1995 to 61, 250 Mt in 2018, accounting for 5.1 percent of total fish production in 1995 and 13.94 percent of total marine fish production in 2018 [1]. The lowest national production was recorded in 2005, following the devastation of the December 2004 tsunami. However, since then, the production of dried fish increased substantially until 2014, and reached a plateau by 2017 (Figure 5.1). Apart from the destruction caused to the fisheries industry, which drastically reduced fish production overall in 2005, coastal people are reported to have refrained from consuming fresh fish for some time after the tsunami, believing that fish preyed on dead human bodies [2]. A possible reason for the sharp increase in dried fish production during 2005-2013 might be post-tsunami and post-war donor investment in fishing (extensive donations of craft and gear) and fish processing. Both events – the war and tsunami – resulted in the marginalization and vulnerability of widows [3]. Dried fish processing-related livelihoods were chosen by donors for investment in the absence of opportunities for women in fishing operations. Dried fish production fluctuated from 2015, following a similar pattern as marine fish production (Figure 5.1). The production volumes of total marine fish, dried fish and share of dried fish to marine fish are given in Annex 1.

Figure 5.1. Local dried fish production from 1995-2018 (Source: MFARD 2019)

There are two major geographical variations in dried fish production – marine and inland. As in the case of the fisheries sector as a whole, marine dried fish production far outpaces inland production – with little research on inland dried fish production, it is not yet clear by how much.

Marine dried fish production

Map 1. Marine dried fish producing areas in Sri Lanka (Source: NARA 2017)

Marine dried fish is produced extensively along the coastal belt, especially in areas such as Jaffna, Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi, Mannar, Puttalam, Chilaw, Negombo, Kalutura, Galle, Hambantota, Ampara, Batticaloa and Trincomalee (Map 1) at different scales of production. Jaffna and Mannar are the main dried sprat producing fisheries districts [4]. Around 70% of dried fish production in the country comes from the Northern and Eastern provinces [5].

Few micro- or meso-level studies exist on marine dried fish production, mainly in Matara and Galle districts on the south coast [6] and Trincomalee district on the east coast [7]. These discuss the species dried, sources of supply, scale of operation, contribution to household livelihoods and incomes, and social/gender relations of production and constraints and challenges in the industry. However, there are also ethnographic studies, which are focused on other substantive areas in relation to coastal fishing communities but provide accounts of and/or data on dried fish production and trading [8].

Marine fish species used for drying

A wide range of marine pelagic, from coastal forage fish, such as anchovies and sardinella to oceanic predator fish, such as tuna and shark, as well as crustaceans, such as shrimp, are used for dried fish production in Sri Lanka (see Annex 2). Two studies conducted in two small coastal towns, Kottegoda and Dondra in Matara district on the south coast [9], both of which produce Maldive fish (see Annex 3), found that the main varieties used were Skipjack tuna, Indian scad and Frigate tuna. Dondra additionally produced the more common dried/salted fish as well, with a wider range of species, including Yellow fin tuna, pothubari (Sufflamen fraenatus), wannao and lelavo. A detailed list of the main varieties of marine fish, which are dried, is provided in Annex 2.

Inland dried fish production

Inland dried fish processing is popular in areas of perennial reservoirs in the dry zone of Sri Lanka [10]. Dried inland fish is produced in Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Minneriya, and Moneragala districts, based on natural reservoirs and tanks [11]. However, the quantity of inland dried fish production is marginal and poorly documented. The few studies [12] provide basic data on types of fish, processing techniques, supply and demand, and fish prices. Small fish varieties of 6.875 - 8.75 cm and damaged fish are mostly used for processing in inland production in the Minneriya Reservoir [13]. Many local freshwater fish fetch low prices because they are small and have a high proportion of bones and are therefore used for drying [14]. Processing techniques employed to extend the shelf life of freshwater fish are mainly salting or sun-drying [15]. The fish is mixed with salt in a ratio of 1:3 (Salt:fish) and stacked in a bucket for 2-3 days and then sun-dried. The approximate carcass recovery rate is 33.3%. Inland dried fish producers earn a profit of 255 Rs/kg with a producer market margin of 72.9% [16]. Fresh water dried fish from Minneriya Reservoir is sold in the nearby market towns of Minneriya and Dambulla, where cultural and religious barriers to consumption of meat and unavailability of other sources of animal protein ensure a demand for dried fish [17]. While Sugathapala et al. [18] do not elaborate on the cultural dimensions of dried fish consumption, this would be a worthwhile area to examine in the Sri Lankan component of the study.

Inland species used for drying

The varieties of freshwater fish dried are not as extensive as marine fish. Among the common varieties of inland fish that are dried include Filamented barb, Pearl spot cichlid, Tilapia, and catfish. A list of the main freshwater fish species used for processing is indicated in detail in Annex 2.

Fish drying and processing methods in Sri Lanka

Four methods of fish processing are recorded in the Trincomalee Administrative Report of 1883:

• Dried fish: the fish is opened by its back or side – generally by the back – entrails taken out and the body sliced inside lightly, and then washed in salt or sea water. Salt powdered into dust is applied inside, thickly to the incised parts, and the fish so prepared, after being kept in tubs or baskets, is taken out next day, unfolded and spread out in the sun until thoroughly dry.
• Salt fish: the fish is cleared of entrails, sliced and washed as above, double the quantity of salt used for dried fish is applied – and packed, spread in barrels, and is not exposed to the sun to dry.
• Tamarind fish: the fish is cleaned and washed as above, spread out in a tub or other receptacle, and powdered salt mixed in tamarind juice water is thickly applied, the process being repeated over every layer or row of fish so spread.
• Goraka fish: the same process as tamarind fish is followed in all respects, except that goraka (dried Gamboge fruit, Garcinia cambogia) is used with salt to preserve the fish.[19]

Current drying and processing methods are similar to those described in the past, except fermenting, the fish with tamarind or gamboge for the preparation of jaadi is not as common as in the past. Both tamarind and gamboge fruit are acidic and are likely to prevent mould, as well as provide a distinct flavour, although these attributes have not been indicated in the literature. The reason for the decline of fermented fish in the form of jaadi needs to be further examined in the Sri Lankan study.

Commonly used current methods are:

• Sun drying: the rudimentary method of fish drying. Fish is dried under the hot sun without adding salt. Normally, multiday boats produce sun-dried fish, locally known as bottu karawala (boat dried fish) with the first few catches on their fishing trips.'
• Salting and sun drying: cleaned fish are slit in parallel lines down the fleshy parts, into which pounded salt is well rubbed. They are then put into barrels and kept for 12 hours, undergoing a second cleaning in salt-water, and exposed to dry in the hot sun for 4-5 days on raised stick platforms, so as to keep them free of sand.
• Jaadi: a wet form of fish processing method, also known as fish curing or pickling. Here, fish is cleaned, salted, and packed in brine with small pieces of goraka (Garcinia cambogia) using wooden barrels or glazed earthenware jars. Acid in the goraka causes fermentation and tones down the salty taste of fish. Species like herring, sardine, and mackerel are used in pickling. Preparation methods vary based on geographical areas and takes about 2-3 weeks for the curing process, which does not require sunlight.
• Maldive fish processing: several techniques are practiced for Maldive fish processing. Peiris [20] has investigated three Maldive fish processing methods and four dried fish processing methods in Southern Sri Lanka (Annex 3). While traditional processing of Maldive fish, which is recommended by the Industrial Development Board in Sri Lanka, is based on smoking the fish, the method described substitute the process of smoking with smearing the fish with wood ash prior to sun drying.

The methods discussed so far are mainly applicable for curing and preserving large fish, whereas small fish is simply dried in the sun without being salted. Methods used for dried fish processing do not vary much between marine and inland fisheries as well as by region.

Relations of production

There are several studies that outline the social relations of dried fish production at the micro-level of fishing communities [21]. These indicate that the main suppliers of raw fish for dried fish processors, many of whom are women, are their fisher husbands, other fishers or boat owners who are kin or neighbours from the community, relatives working as crew members, fishers from nearby villages and fish landing sites, and traders from other areas. Moreover, low-quality fish is obtained for processing from multiday boats at nearby fisheries harbours at lower prices [22]. The fish thus used is referred to as dawal malu (afternoon fish) brought in by boats which land late or yata malu (the fish at the bottom of the net), which is considered low quality [23]. Some small-scale fishers in Negombo, specialised in operating their one-day boats, migrate to Mannar (northwest) and Batticoloa (east) during the off-season, to catch fish specifically targeting for drying. These fishing households operate small-scale dried fish processing enterprises with the support of hired local labour [24].

The centrality of women in dried fish processing is emphasized by Amarasinghe et al., who note that dried fish processing is done by wives of fishers and crew members as a supplementary livelihood activity, as well as by women and men who specialized in operating micro/small fish processing enterprises [25]. As a supplementary livelihood for women in fishing communities, fish processing remains an important source of additional income for fishing households [26]; it is critical for smoothening inter-temporal fluctuations in daily fishing incomes brought in by their menfolk [27]. Family-based micro-scale production units and small-scale enterprises in Matara district on the south coast operate with 5-8 employees [28]. In two fishing communities in Puttalam district on the west coast, small-scale dried fish processing enterprises employed up to 6-10 women for sorting, cleaning, and processing fish, as well as several men for carrying and washing the fish [29]. Wages were paid partially in cash and kind. All together, around 16% of women from fishing households were engaged in micro or small dried fish processing enterprises in these two communities [30]. The partners and employees of such enterprises are often female family members, relatives, friends, and neighbours [31]. Owners of micro-scale dried fish processing enterprises are most often women, while owners of small-scale enterprises can be men or women in fishing villages in Puttalam district [32].

Dried fish production in Matara District is seasonal. The peak season is the period of the south-west monsoon from May to September due to excess fish supply and lower fish prices [33]. However, a few families who process dried fish as a family-based enterprise continue throughout the year. In the two study villages in Puttalam district, where around 75% of men from fishing households migrate seasonally to the east/northeast coasts during the south-west monsoon, dried fish processing is done in home villages from October to March [34]. Around 25% of women who accompany their husbands to the east/northeast coasts continue processing dried fish in host locations from March to September. Women migrants indicated dried fish processing as a significant motivation and benefit of seasonal migration [35].

The main obstacles to dried fish processing indicated by respondents in Matara district were high labour costs, inadequate fish supply for processing, especially during the off-season, uncertain weather, and poor storage facilities [36]. Moreover, accessibility to fresh fish (input), beach (place), market (revenue), finance (decision making), as well as lack of social recognition and powerlessness, were highlighted as constraints by women fish processors in Matara district [37]. According to Elapata and Silva [38], maldive fish processing is predominantly done by women. However, the decision making, especially on pricing and investment plans, are taken by male counterparts, which appears to be different from other dried fish processing, most likely as maldive fish is a higher value product. The gender literature on value chains shows that men control the more profitable nodes of value chains [39] and/or tend to take over ‘women’s products’ when returns from these products become high [40]. Excessive involvement of middlemen keeps female fish processors away from markets, contributing to feelings of isolation and demoralization among female processors [41]. Amarasinghe and Piyasiri [42] estimate post-harvest losses of around 40-60% of the fresh fish catch in Sri Lanka and identifies fish processing as one means of reducing such losses. They indicate such losses as due to the use of destructive gear and fishing techniques, inadequate on-board handling of fish and unsuitable conditions at landing sites, leading to the low quality of fish available to fish processors. The need for value addition (based on good health standards, new product lines and marketing), additional research, innovation, and training in fish processing, as well as better organization in producer groups to improve the industry and wellbeing of women processors and their families, are emphasized [43].

The work of Yuganthan et al. [44] on dried fish production in Trincomalee district on the east coast reveals multiple inter and intra community relationships, which are established for knowledge sharing, sourcing of fresh fish, work assistance and marketing mechanisms by processors. Knowledge and experience of dried fish processing are mainly passed down from parents to children. The importance of external relationships is revealed by the fact that most producers sell through wholesalers. However, formal institutional support for dried fish processing is lacking in all of these sites for which data are available.

The available studies also indicate ethnic differences in gender relations in dried fish processing. For example, women's engagement in dried fish processing is lowest in Muslim fishing communities in Trincomalee district, with women family members sporadically supporting men, who are both owners and employees of processing enterprises [45]. Women's engagement in dried fish processing appears to be highest in Sinhala Catholic and Tamil Hindu fishing communities in Puttalam district [46]. Sinhala Buddhist fishing communities in Matara district fall somewhere in between in terms of women's participation [47]. An increasing trend in women's engagement in dried fish processing is observed particularly in Gandara, on the south coast of Sri Lanka [48].

The literature available on dried fish production provides a relatively well-rounded picture of this segment of dried fish value chains, both at the macro and local levels. However, more research on levels of employment in dried fish processing, wages, profit margins, labour conditions, gendered relations, and governance is necessary for a better understanding of how processing is linked to other segments of dried fish value chains, such as procuring raw materials, trading of processed fish and consumption.